Villa d'Este
Cernobbio, Italy
5:11 P.M. (Local)
THE VICE PRESIDENT: Well, thank you very much, Tom. And I appreciate the
introduction and the kind words. For those of you who don't know Tom
Ridge -- although I know he's been a regular here for a number of years
-- we're very proud of the fact that he served as a veteran in the
United States Army. He and I served together in Congress for many years.
Of course, he was governor of our -- one of our largest states, and as
Tom mentioned, the first Secretary of Homeland Security.
Let me thank all of you for the welcome this afternoon, and also the
organizers of this event for inviting me to the Ambrosetti forum. Among
your distinguished guests this year are many I count as friends,
including President Peres of Israel, President Abbas of the Palestinian
National Authority, Jose Maria Aznar of Spain, and other names of
prominence from the public and private sectors. It's a true pleasure to
be with all of you, and I bring greetings and good wishes from our
President George W. Bush.
I also want to thank our host country, the Italian Republic. Lynne and I
have been here many times over the years, and each time received
wonderful hospitality. Tomorrow we'll be traveling to Rome, where I will
meet with President Napolitano and Prime Minister Berlusconi. Italy is a
friend and ally of America, and millions of our citizens proudly call
this nation their ancestral home. Gathered as we are at Lake Como, I
think each of us can testify that Italy rightly boasts some of the most
beautiful scenery on earth.
My purpose today is to speak of unfolding events and challenges that are
facing the trans-Atlantic alliance. I have come here from the east, by
way of Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Ukraine. These lands, once held in the
grip of a totalitarian empire, now stand proudly as independent nations
-- setting their own course, and engaging the world with confidence.
That is as it should be. Since 1989, the lamps of liberty have been
coming out again, and millions have walked in that light toward a future
of prosperity, security, and peace.
The nations of our Alliance have celebrated this progress -- from the
popular uprisings in Central and Eastern Europe nearly 20 years ago, to
the more recent Color Revolutions in Georgia and Ukraine. As entire
countries reclaimed their independence and built the institutions of
freedom and democracy, we were able to move beyond the stand-offs, and
nightmare scenarios, and line-drawing exercises of the Cold War. That
struggle ended with the dissolution of the Soviet Union. And our
security was strengthened as former captive nations enthusiastically
joined the camp of freedom.
We have welcomed those new allies, just as we shall welcome others in
years to come. Since the fall of the Berlin Wall, three Presidents of
the United States of both parties have worked with partners across
Europe to expand the frontiers of democratic rule. Members of our
Alliance have acted confidently, and together, to serve our common
interests -- including our commitment to advancing freedom, human
rights, and justice. Because we've done so, this continent -- where
millions died in two World Wars, and generations suffered behind the
Iron Curtain -- is now becoming one that is whole and free. After a
century of struggle, Europe has the opportunity to shape a more peaceful
future.
Yet this is not the ending of history. Our principles are being tested
anew. We must meet those tests with candor and resolve, and, above all,
with unity.
Recent occurrences in Georgia, beginning with the military invasion by
Russia, have been flatly contrary to some of our most deeply held
beliefs. Russian forces crossed an internationally recognized border
into a sovereign state; fueled and fomented an internal conflict;
conducted acts of war without regard for innocent life, killing
civilians and causing the displacement of tens of thousands -- all this
against a nation that has a democratically elected government and an
orientation towards the West.
The United States and many in Europe have made clear that Russia's
actions are an affront to civilized standards and are completely
unacceptable. For its part, Russia has offered no satisfactory
justification for the invasion -- nor could it do so. Differing views on
the status of these two areas, within the sovereign borders of the
Georgian democracy, cannot justify a sudden and violent incursion by
Russia. This much, at a minimum, should be understood by all people of
good will in the year 2008.
Three weeks ago, after causing significant destruction inside Georgia,
Russia accepted and signed a six-point ceasefire agreement proposed by
President Sarkozy of France, the nation that holds the Presidency of the
European Union. By now the Russian government is well aware of its
responsibilities: To abide by the signed ceasefire agreement, and the
clarifying letter and document from President Sarkozy; to let in all
humanitarian and medical assistance from the United States and other
countries; to keep open all lines of communication and transit for that
assistance; to end all military activities in Georgia; to withdraw from
that country; and to fully respect Georgia's sovereignty and territorial
integrity.
Though aware of these responsibilities, Russia has yet to meet them.
Indeed, it has taken the opposite course, by recognizing South Ossetia
and Abkhazia as independent states. This only worsens the situation in
the region. It also contravenes the ceasefire, and runs against numerous
UNDERSTAND Security Council Resolutions that Russia itself voted for in
the past.
To summarize: In the space of the last 30 days, Russia has violated the
sovereignty of a democracy; made and then breached a solemn agreement,
in a direct affront to the European Union; severely damaged its
credibility and global standing; and undermined its own relations with
the United States and other countries.
This chain of aggressive moves and diplomatic reversals has only
intensified the concern that many have about Russia's larger objectives.
For brutality against a neighbor is simply the latest in a succession of
troublesome and unhelpful actions by the Russian government.
In Central Asia, the Caucasus, and beyond, Russia has continued to use
energy as a tool of force and manipulation. It has, at various
intervals, interrupted or threatened to interrupt the flow of oil or
natural gas to Georgia, Ukraine, the Baltics, and Belarus. Earlier this
year, Russia cut back on oil deliveries to the Czech Republic.