(Source: Lawyer)

It was an unusual invitation. When Carter-Ruck partners Nigel
Tait and Guy Martin arrived at the Free Word Centre in Farringdon on
10 November, they were hardly surrounded by fans. That lunchtime was
the launch of a campaign on libel reform by Index on Censorship and
English Pen. Given that Carter- Ruck had been the subject of media
opprobrium over its work seeking a super-injunction on the Trafigura
case, Tait and Martin's appearance was, as Index on Censorship's Jo
Glanville says, "brave".
"Well, we were invited," counters Tait. "Though it was a bit like
putting your head in the lion's den."
The personal relations may be civilised, but the debate around
the issue of libel reform is anything but cordial. Over the past
year newspaper groups, publishers and human rights campaigners have
been calling for reform of the English system, which they argue has
created a pernicious market for libel tourism whereby claimants with
virtually no connection with England are bringing cases in London.
As might be expected, the campaign has the explicit backing of
senior newspaper lawyers such as Harvey Kass of Associated
Newspapers, Alastair Brett of The Times and Gill Phillips of The
Guardian, along with prominent media lawyers such as Finers Stephens
Innocent partner Mark Stephens.
Ranged against them are the big guns of claimant lawyers.
Schillings senior partner Keith Schilling declined to comment for
this article, but Carter-Ruck's Tait is outspoken. "We have a
vicious, aggressive press here," he says. "It's all great - until
someone writes something false about you. As a general point almost
every reform in this area of the law over the last 20 years has
driven up costs and created work for lawyers. The exception to this
is the Offer of Amends defence, which in my view has proved a
resounding success." The campaigners are seeking 10 basic reforms to
libel law and practice in this country (see column). The
recommendations include the argument that the Duke of Brunswick rule
(based on an 1849 case, which holds that multiple publications of
the same story means multiple libels) should be abolished and
instead a single publication rule be introduced, as in the US. In
the US this rule means there is only one act of publication, which
is when a story first appears, and only one locus of action - the
place of publication. Four years ago the Department for
Constitutional Affairs (now the Ministry of Justice) said it was
looking into reviewing that law, but nothing has yet happened.
"This is a law that is so out of date that it didn't just miss
the internet revolution but the first revolution in mass
communication," argues Index on Censorship's Glanville. "It's
ridiculous that every hit on a [web] story constitutes a fresh
libel. There's a groundswell and a desire for change."
Tait counters: "There are good reasons why it should be
preserved, with some minor adjustments. We know of cases where a
damaging libel hasn't come to a client's attention for over a year
since first publication, or where the defendant behind the first
publication was not worth suing."
However, Tait softens his stance slightly on other points made by
the campaigners. Index on Censorship argues that London has become
an international libel tribunal and that no case should be heard in
this jurisdiction unless at least 10 per cent of the copies of the
relevant publication have been circulated there. "Many countries in
the world do not offer fair trials, particularly for opponents of
the regime," Tait replies. "I do, however, think it would be
sensible for Parliament to look carefully at libel tourism given the
frequent criticisms that are being made."
Similarly he agrees with Index on Censorship's charge that there
are few viable alternatives to a full trial. "I think the idea of
libel tribunals for some cases, particularly involving the internet,
is a good one," he says. "I doubt, however, that the Government
would be prepared to fund the cost."
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