(By
Josh Peters, CFA) For nearly eight years now, I've tried to spend as little time
talking about politics in these updates and our monthly issues as
possible. (Despite my effusive enthusiasm for politics on a personal
level, my ideal level of political content in
DividendInvestor
would be exactly zero.) I see no professional value whatsoever in
embracing any partisan points of view, and as far as I can remember, the
only issue on which I've ever made a stand is that dividends and
capital gains should be taxed at the same rate--whatever the tax rate
may be. Alas, we've moved into an era where it's almost impossible to
form views of the economy or the financial markets without taking
politics into consideration. I guess this is part of the price we all
have to pay for failing to resolve the country's fiscal problems five or
10 years ago when it might have been a lot easier.
Even now, I'm not sure how much value I can add to the reams of
commentary about the results of recent election and the coming "fiscal
cliff," but it's hard to ignore the elephants and the donkeys in the
room. So, for better or worse, I'll give it a quick stab.
- The election settled nothing. After 600 or 700 years of
campaigning (a slight exaggeration) and $6 billion in political
expenditures (shockingly true), President Obama remains in office, the
Democrats retain a majority of seats in the Senate, and the Republicans
control the House of Representatives.
- My hopes for a compromise--even on a short-term extension--are
dimming. A quick resolution would quite clearly be the best outcome for
the economy, and even a temporary extension would be better than
nothing, but our political parties may see little upside for themselves
in either. In fact, I suspect both Republicans and Democrats view their
own leverage as increasing, day by day, as the fiscal clock ticks away.
- The fiscal cliff--horrifying as it is on its own--is but one of
three massive legislative problems staring the country in the face. The
continuing resolution funding government operations expires March 27, at
which point we could be looking at a shutdown--but before we get that
far into 2013, the Treasury Department has warned that the debt ceiling
could be hit again before the end of this year, albeit with the
possibility of "extraordinary measures" that could stave off default a
little while longer. (Remember how smoothly and cooperatively the last
debt-ceiling increase was handled?)
- As far as I can tell, there is actually plenty of room for
compromise--except on the most critical point. Both sides have spending
that they want to protect. There's a lot of talk about raising revenues
by broadening the tax base. Neither the president nor the Republicans in
Congress claim they want to raise taxes on the bottom 98% of
households. But the matter of tax rates for the top 2% of households has
all the hallmarks of a binary outcome. One side will win, the other
must give in--and both sides claim the election provided a mandate for
their position. (I'd like to be proven wrong here with, say, an
agreement to extend current tax rates in exchange for a cap on tax
deductions for high earners. In fact, this idea was floated by the
Romney campaign.) The best compromise is one where both sides can come
out and claim victory. But top marginal tax rates--not the total revenue
raised--are now totem poles for each side, making it awfully hard to
imagine a meeting in the middle being regarded as anything other than a
win for one side and a loss for the other.
If I had to guess--and this is just purely my own personal guess--I'd
now have to conclude that there will not be a compromise in place by
Dec. 31. The political environment is so toxic, and the long-run stakes
for both parties so incredibly high, that the two sides in this fight
might not come together until after the bell has rung. Only then, with
economic damage under way, will the broader interest groups outside of
Washington scream for anything but the cliff itself. In a sense, we're
going to have to have one more election, with various interest-group
lobbies ranging from defense contractors to teachers unions descending
on the capital for one last shootout. A $6 billion election couldn't
settle the issue; perhaps only existential threats to the parties
themselves--delivered in person by their key backers--will do the job.
So, Josh, what's the investment conclusion here? Here, I'm a bit of a
longer-term optimist. Despite the fear it strikes in any well-informed
person, the fiscal cliff may not represent a vertical plunge; it might
be more like a roll down a steep hill. (By contrast, the threat of a
debt ceiling-induced default of the federal government was much
more of a vertical, binary, do-or-die event.) Assuming the country
forces a compromise on our own newly elected or re-elected leaders
shortly after Jan. 1, the damage on the economy could prove temporary.
Without advocating for one angle or the other, I don't think that moderate tax increases coupled with moderate
spending cuts will result in another recession, especially if these
efforts are coupled with greater long-term certainty on fiscal policy.
In any event, I don't plan to sell any (let alone all) of our stocks
in fear of what could happen during the next two months. I'm in this
strategy with many years, even decades, of increasing dividend payments
in sight, and I can't accomplish that goal if I dart in and out based on
variations in the weather.
But while I plan to stay fully invested, I do want to have my seat
belt firmly fastened--by which I mean to be mentally and emotionally
prepared for a rocky ride until these issues are settled. Volatility is
already heading up, with stock prices hanging on every fresh statement
from President Obama and House Speaker John Boehner (R-Ohio). As the
clock ticks down, stock prices will probably fall if last-minute hopes
for compromise slip away. After a deal is done, the healing can begin,
and I've even started to suspect there's a good deal of pent-up demand
for both consumption and investment (particularly in the housing sector,
a key spark plug for the nation's economic engine). Being prepared for
exaggerated volatility means I shouldn't have to make hasty moves--which
can all too easily mutate into mistakes--in the heat of the battle.
One more message, this time for Washington: Please, folks, didn't you learn how to cooperate in kindergarten? Just get it done,
and then you can go back to your usual pointless posturing. Take away
these recurring crises of the political class, and in all likelihood we
in the rest of the country will find a way to do just fine on our own.